Stand up to Sudan's thugs
May 29, 2009
Stand up to Sudan's thugs - By Eric Reeves
Northampton, Mass. Is there a road to peace in Darfur? The question
has broad geopolitical implications. Sudan is the biggest country in
Africa, it borders nine states, and is located at the crossroads of
Africa and the Arab world. Its fate is tied not only to the region,
but to the continent of Africa and the rest of the world.
Though earlier this year Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir
became the first national leader to be indicted by the International
Criminal Court (ICC), he remains defiant and the humanitarian crisis
in Darfur only deepens. Several hundred thousand people have died and
3 million have been displaced by fighting since 2003.
Is there a way to overcome the bloody tribal and ethnic rivalries
that have become endemic in the vast western province over the past
six years and are an essential part of the Khartoum regime's
divide-and-rule strategy in the region? There may well have been a
particularly promising opportunity, until Khartoum ended a bold and
innovative effort by Darfurian civil society to forge unified
positions on a broad range of key issues. If we want to seize such an
opportunity again, the international community must push hard.
The initiative of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, a conference called
Mandate Darfur, was to bring together some 300 representatives of
Darfur from across geographic, ethnic, and political backgrounds,
including traditional and young leaders and a strong contingent of
Darfurian women.
Instead, discussions slated for this month have been aborted. Mandate
Darfur announced that after months of working with Darfurian civil
society to build a mandate for peace, the Sudanese government was
obstructing the safe passage of Darfurian delegates from Sudan to the
conference in Ethiopia and thus it had to be canceled.
Khartoum's obstruction of the Darfurian civil society initiative was
greeted with appalling indifference by the world community. There
have been none but the mildest condemnations from the United Nations,
the US, the European Union, and the African Union. It hardly helps
that Western news reporting on this significant development has been
virtually nonexistent. Sadly, it is as though the international
community has accepted Khartoum's premise that peace talks need
involve only combatants.
But if past negotiations between Darfur's rebel groups and the regime
have taught us anything, it is that nothing will be achieved if the
only ones at the peace table are men with guns.
Without true representation of Darfurian civil society, meaningful
discussions of fundamental issues are impossible. Land tenure,
migratory rights, compensation for losses, wealth-sharing and
development assistance, true power-sharing all are fundamental to
reaching beyond an uneasy cease-fire to attain a just peace.
This is of course well known to the brutal and calculating men in
Khartoum, and precisely the reason why they obstructed the
conference. The regime is interested in peace only on its own
military and political terms. Its negotiating partners are the men
with guns who threaten their stranglehold on national wealth and
power. When speaking of the failed "Darfur peace process,"
international observers are talking about this version of
negotiations.
Current discussions in Qatar between the regime and the increasingly
powerful Justice and Equality Movement offer more of the same. Even a
meaningful, well- monitored cease-fire seems beyond reach, especially
given the gross inadequacies of the current UN/African Union peace
support operation in Darfur.
All this comes almost three months after the international community
acquiesced before Khartoum's expulsion of 13 international aid
organizations that represented over half the total humanitarian
capacity for Darfur. These expulsions, which have affected many
distressed regions in northern Sudan besides Darfur, were in response
to the ICC warrant that charged Mr. Bashir with crimes against
humanity and war crimes.
But in conceding to Khartoum's actions and threats, the world simply
encourages further defiance by the regime. And with the collapse of
Mandate Darfur, we see yet again the consequences of an
accommodationist policy toward Khartoum. Unfortunately it's a policy
that seems increasingly attractive to President Obama's
administration and his special envoy to Sudan.
Darfur needs serious and concerted international pressure on Khartoum
to negotiate with both Darfuri rebel groups and civil society. There
must be clear and robust support for a single mediator and a single
process in order to prevent Khartoum from picking and choosing among
various diplomatic forums. The West also needs to apply concerted
pressure on the rebel groups to negotiate now, without waiting for
potential improvement in the diplomatic climate.
And the international community must offer guarantees including
security guarantees for any signed agreement. A cease-fire must be
monitored with all necessary military resources, time frames and
benchmarks for compensation and power-sharing must be clearly
established, the brutal janjaweed militia must be demobilized, and
humanitarian and development assistance must be allowed to proceed
unfettered. These are the essential elements of a just peace.
Khartoum can't be accommodated but must be confronted vigorously,
multilaterally, unrelentingly. The regime must be convinced that
there are serious consequences diplomatic, economic, and political
for reneging on agreements, and for actions that threaten the
prospects for peace and security in Darfur.
The regime's collapsing of Mandate Darfur works directly against
positive efforts in the region. In turn, failure to respond by the
international community undermines the chances for a just peace.
Eric Reeves is author of "A Long Day's Dying: Critical Moments in the
Darfur Genocide"; he was invited by the organizers of the Mandate
Darfur conference to serve as an adviser.
Copyright © 2009 The Christian Science Monitor
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